Scottish Labour’s 2019 Manifesto – Culture, Media and Digital

DIGITAL, CULTURE,MEDIA AND SPORT

Culture

Those living in more deprived areas and those with a lower income are less likely to attend cultural events and participate in cultural activities. It is therefore essential that local culture is open to as many people as possible, so that those who do not have the means to travel further afield are able to access it. However, the SNP Government’s underfunding of our communities has resulted in massive cuts to cultural services across Scotland. The next Scottish Labour government will properly fund councils and ensure arts and culture are open and available to everyone. We will also require organisations in receipt of public funding to pay proper trade union rates for the job and allow workers the opportunity to join a recognised trade union.

Media

A Labour government will ensure a healthy future for our all public service broadcasters, including BBC Alba and S4C.

  • We will protect free TV licences for over-75s.
  • A free and fair press is vital to protecting democracy and holding the powerful to account.
  • We will address misconduct and the unresolved failures of corporate governance raised by the second stage of the abandoned Leveson Inquiry.
  • We will take steps to ensure that Ofcom is better able to safeguard a healthy plurality of media ownership and to put in place clearer rules on who is fit and proper to own or run TV and radio stations.
  • We will take action to address the monopolistic hold the tech giants have on advertising revenues and will support vital local newspapers and media outlets.
  • We will consult media sector workers and trade unions to establish an inquiry into the fake news undermining trust in media, democracy and public debate.

Digital

Digital and technological advancements bring challenges, but also huge opportunities. In the age of AI and automation, digital connectivity will underpin our future economy.

  • We will need world-class digital infrastructure in which everyone can share.Labour will deliver free full-fibre broadband to all by 2030.
  • We will establish British Broadband, with two arms: British Digital Infrastructure (BDI) and the British Broadband Service (BBS).
  • We will bring the broadband-relevant parts of BT into public ownership and guarantee the jobs of all workers in existing broadband infrastructure and retail broadband work.
  • BDI will roll out the remaining 90-92% of the full-fibre network, and acquire necessary access rights to existing assets.
  • BBS will coordinate the delivery of free broadband in tranches as the full-fibre network is rolled out, beginning with communities least well-served by existing broadband networks.
  • Unitary taxation of multinationals, including tech giants will pay for the operating costs of the public full-fibre network.
  • The plan will boost jobs, tackle regional inequality, and improve quality of life as part of a mission to connect the country.
  • We will enforce a legal duty of care to protect our children online, impose fines on companies that fail on online abuse and empower the public with a Chart

Cultural Democracy Now – Red Pepper

 

Cultural Democracy Now

A deeper engagement with culture can strengthen our democracy, taking political projects beyond electoral impact and festival memes into a whole new world of radical, lasting change.

February 14, 2018 · 14 min read

 

‘In every child there is a poem, in every child there is a painting, in every child there is music’ Jeremy Corbyn, Glastonbury 2017.

From the groundbreaking grime intervention of #GE2017 to the spectacle of Glastonbury singing ‘Oh Jeremy Corbyn’ in unison, 2017 was been an unfolding demonstration of the power of culture to shape the new politics. But could a deeper understanding of what culture is and how it can work to strengthen our democracy take us beyond electoral impact and festival memes into a whole new world of radical, lasting change?

In association with Red Pepper and the Raymond Williams Foundation, The World Transformed held space to ask how we can harness that power of culture to shape a truly transformative cultural policy. Here, we draw on the Labour legacies of Jennie Lee, Arts for Labour and the GLC, and on the political thought of Raymond Williams, to explore the tradition of cultural democracy in light of the issues we face today.

Lois Stonock, founder of the Jennie Lee Institute

 

‘Some of our new civic centres already demonstrate that an agreeable environment and a jealous regard for the maintenance of high standards are not incompatible. Centres that succeed in providing a friendly meeting ground where both light entertainment and cultural projects can be enjoyed help also to break down the isolation from which both artist and potential audience have suffered in the past’ Jennie Lee, A Policy for the Arts: the first steps (1965)

What are the things we do that bring us together? What are the things we do that enable us to share, talk and learn from one other? In 1964, prime minister Harold Wilson approached Jennie Lee, Labour MP for Cannock, to take up the role of minister of health, but she turned it down, persuading him instead to establish a new role as arts minister.

The daughter of a miner, irreverent, and not afraid of confrontation, Lee established a place for the arts at the centre of Whitehall. Alongside her role in redefining the charter for the Arts Council, her 1965 white paper, A Policy for the Arts: The First Steps, provided the basis for much of UK cultural policy in the subsequent half-century.

Remarkable for the essential joy at its heart, that white paper marked a radical new position for culture that put people and community to the fore. It marked a shift from the post-war Arts Council stance that government had a singular responsibility to protect and promote excellence in the arts to one that was also about reaching new audiences: an all-inclusive access to the arts regardless of where you lived or how wealthy you were.

It’s now 53 years since the establishment of a minister of arts (now the culture minister) and today we see a different Britain where the arts have thrived and our artists are world renowned, but cultural policy itself has stagnated. A decade of funding cuts has left a sector dominated by nepotism and staffed by the people who can afford to work as unpaid interns. The arts have become the pursuit of the middle classes again and artists in search of resources are forced to work against this background and a culture of managerialism.

Labour’s recent manifesto commitment to reversing these cuts presents an opportunity to re-think culture’s role in our society. What is culture? What does it do? How does it feed into our social, economic and political lives? If we start where Jennie Lee did – not with what we think culture is or what we think it should be but with the way it manifests from day to day in the lives of people and place – we might just find it, not only in the theatre or museum but at the football ground, the community centre, the newsagent, the hospital, the school…

Hassan Mahamdallie, playwright and author of The Creative Case for Diversity (2011)

‘The questions I ask about our culture are questions about our general and common purposes, yet also questions about deep personal meanings. Culture is ordinary, in every society and in every mind’ Raymond Williams, Culture is Ordinary (1958)

In the 1930s going to dance halls was all the rage across Britain. A Mass Observation study in 1939 found that it was a truly popular cultural pursuit that the vast majority of working and lower middle class people, particularly women and young adults, engaged in regularly. The manager of a dance hall in Bolton reported that his clientele were ‘steel workers, lots of mill girls and men, textile workers, machinists, plumbers, joiners, De Havilland [aircraft] workers and office workers’.

One of the directors of the vast Mecca ballroom chain described how the low entrance fee of as little as sixpence encouraged a certain cultural egalitarianism. ‘In the dance hall,’ he wrote, ‘there is no differentiation between the patrons – they are all on the same floor level, all pay the same price of admission; there is no class distinction whatsoever, complete freedom of speech for all and sundry.’

It provided a lot of paid work for artists. By 1938 Mecca alone controlled 300 dance bands playing in 2,000 halls around the country, as well as the ownership or lease of a number of prestige venues. In 1939 the company took over the Royal Opera House in Covent Garden, renovated it and turned it into a Mecca dancehall for the duration of the war, entertaining 1,500 dancers every night.

Immediately after the war, the celebrated economist John Maynard Keynes made it his business to see the venue returned to the ‘fine arts’ of opera and ballet, using his influence to secure a one-off Treasury grant to fit it out. Since its inception the Arts Council has created a subsidised arts sector in its own image, structurally, organisationally, geographically and in terms of artistic taste.

The Council for the Encouragement of Music and the Arts (CEMA), which had been taking art to the people in Britain’s mining and industrial centres during the war, was turned by Keynes into the Arts Council, with the Opera House and the other metropolitan national companies tucked permanently under its funding wing.

Fast-forward nearly 60 years to 2014. The report Hard Facts to Swallow notes that an average single performance of large scale opera and ballet now requires £78,860 in public subsidy and that the seven supported companies working at this scale account for 22 per cent of all of Arts Council England’s national portfolio (regular company) funding.

The ‘liberation’ of the public sector managerial class under Tony Blair saw the Arts Council’s top managers rewarded with what are today £100k-plus salaries. This places them in Britain’s elite strata – providing career pathways for a narrow band of middle-class professionals that mirror the lifestyle their antecedents enjoyed under the Raj.

Aware of the growing pressure for a democratic renewal of public life but loath to abandon ‘business as usual’, the Arts Council, whilst giving the outward appearance of transparency, has become more opaque in its patronage – what Raymond Williams observed as the tactic of shrouding itself in ‘the usual mellow dusk’.

In his 1979 essay on the Arts Council, Williams argued for its continued existence, but for a democratic opening up of its decision making: ‘of self-management, of diversity and openness of representation, and of vigorous public argument’. Maybe today is a good time for us to begin to flesh out what that might look like. As Williams himself concluded: ‘If we have to go further, we shall go further.’

Visual artist Conrad Atkinson, one of the founder members of Arts For Labour and arts adviser in the 1980s to the GLC (talking to Ashish Ghadiali)

I grew up in the 1950s, when rock ’n’ roll came in. I was actually in the same class as John Lennon at the Liverpool College of Art in 1961. We were a generation that had come out of the austerity that followed the second world war. I never ate an orange until I was 11 and never saw a banana until I was 12.

We were a generation that was suddenly in this consumer thing but instead of top down we wanted to work from the ground up, creating our own culture instead of having it thrust on us from Hollywood.

1968 was the turning point. That’s the year when the occupations in Paris happened and it almost brought the government there down. There were slogans like, ‘If you’re not part of the solution, you must be part of the problem.’ Or ‘Beneath the paving stones, the beach.’ Radical initiatives spread across Europe and to a certain extent, America, and it made you realise that all art has a political and economic dimension.

For example, the notion of the white box gallery, the notion of the painting as a consumer object and the idea that the only people who could afford these consumer objects were the very people you didn’t want to have them.

By the end of the sixties, new art forms were emerging, performance being one of them. video being another, photography another. Forms that could help to render the system visible. Because people at that point, particularly in the arts and cultural industries, didn’t even realise there was a system. It was invisible. And rendering the system visible became important.

I was invited by the Institute of Contemporary Arts (ICA) to do a solo show in 1971. I was invited on my reputation as a painter. But at that point we felt that painting was a dead end. I said to the director of the ICA, ‘Look, I’m not going to do paintings. I’m going to do something about a strike in my home village in the northwest of England.’

It was a women’s strike and the work I wanted to make consisted of videos, photographs, documents and readings. The ICA applied for funds and the Arts Council wrote back saying, ‘We don’t fund video. It’s not an art form.’ They didn’t quite recognise photography either. They didn’t recognise performance. They didn’t recognise meetings.

So we organised a sit-in and it embarrassed them. The visual artists’ funding committee consisted mostly of old white male artists and we who walked in were younger, men and women, and they began to get a glimmer that something new was happening.

At the end of it they wrote to the ICA saying that they now recognised that video is an art form and we created this thing called the New Activities Committee, which the Arts Council then funded to distribute funds to all of these new art forms.

There was a saying that art and politics don’t mix. But we mixed them!

The policy arm of the Arts Council was annoyed to have to fund organisations doing what they called political work but of course had a political and economic and cultural dimension – not just a political one. The exhibition was called ‘Strike at Brannans’. We held meetings in the exhibition and brought the strikers into the gallery, which was unusual at the time. As a result of the meetings we discovered there was another factory in south London related to the one in the north of England and they unionised as a result of the exhibition.

We were, of course, viciously attacked by some of the critics. Bernard Levin, the Times critic, said ‘Atkinson is poisoning the wells of art’ and that I ‘didn’t know what beauty was’. But I believed you had to ask yourself, what is beautiful? Concorde (the aeroplane) was beautiful but it was spewing out poison and causing global warming. Beauty’s a very shallow definition in a way. My beauty was a different beauty. Ordinary people – workers – were the heroes of my work.

David Stevenson, policy reviews editor at Cultural Trends (talking to Robert Rae)

Although there are ever greater ways in which some can express themselves culturally, social inequity means that such possibilities are denied to others. This leads to a culture gap between those who can express themselves freely and those whose cultural expression is mediated and controlled in the same way as their social and economic freedoms.

A cultural democracy is, for me, a society where all the citizens have the time and economic security to explore and express their cultural values. It starts from an assumption that all humans are cultural and that having the freedom and security to make manifest those cultural instincts are the hallmarks of an equitable and civilised society.

A cultural democracy does not seek to make value judgements about the form that anyone’s cultural expression may take, instead recognising the right to a cultural life that we all share, and that heterogeneity of this cultural life should be indicative of the society’s diversity.

Robert Rae, Loraine Leeson and Nick Mahoney, Arts For Labour

Arts for Labour originally emerged in the 1980s from the long history of grassroots artists who have wrestled with fundamental questions about how the arts can help sustain and develop cultural diversity, the role of co-creation and how arts and culture can support freedom and equality for all.

The notion of cultural democracy has offered a guiding light for many of these practitioners and at last year’s The World Transformed Alan Tomkins, once senior cultural policy adviser to the radical Greater London Council (GLC), urged attendees to seize the moment and agitate for the kind of radical democratic and cultural change the GLC aimed to realise in the 1980s.

Sadly, Alan died recently, but in the best socialist tradition friends gathered and decided not to mourn but to organise. Arts for Labour is being relaunched at The World Transformed 2017 in the contemporary context where Corbyn’s break with the economic pessimism of New Labour and his stated ambition of placing culture at the heart of government offers new hope and space to imagine.

Culture is central to our personal and societal wellbeing. Through it we express identity, share our hopes and aspirations and build the empathy necessary to create a compassionate world for the many and not the few to live with dignity. New Labour became ensnared in its own trap of having to prove economic value.

We can turn the world upside down if we hold to the simple socialist principle that the economy is here to serve culture, not culture to serve the economy, and that the right to a cultural life is the right of us all.

 

Movement For Cultural Democracy Manifesto

Manifesto

MANIFESTO FOR A CULTURAL DEMOCRACY

A strong democracy is an inclusive democracy. It’s a society where no-one is invisible and every voice is heard. Culture, as it has been, can be the preserve of the privileged few or instead, it can be the building block that strengthens our democracy, celebrated as a basic human right, helping to create a world where all people are free to enjoy the benefits of self-expression, access to resources and community. Our goal is to ensure that in our time it is the latter that prevails and that this transformative value, of culture for all, by all, comes to permeate all corners of our social lives and political institutions.

  1. We will launch a new National Arts Fund (NAF), funded by a transaction tax on the UK Art Market which will in turn bring in excess of £1billion of extra revenue into the treasury. The NAF will be democratically structured and administered, ensuring that cultural funding is regionally and demographically distributed, and through it, a network of local and regional elected representatives will be created with a mandate to ensure that cultural spending empowers the communities that elect those representatives. We will champion investment in people over products, process not results.
  1. Working alongside and within the NAF, the Arts Council will be redirected to consolidate and build the infrastructure that will enable cultural players to connect and flourish on a local, national and international level. Part of this remit will be to ensure that Britain’s culture is truly working for the benefit of all, above and beyond the logic of commercialism. A new public publishing house, for example, will be launched as an early flagship project of this drive to build new democratic infrastructure for culture in Britain.
  1. The Arts Council’s charter will be redrafted to reflect broader societal goals and a project of full-scale decolonisation that enshrines and enacts anti-racism, gender equality, disability rights, sexual freedom, freedom from poverty and ecological sustainability at the heart of Britain’s cultural institutions, working simultaneously to expose the roots of social, economic and environmental injustice.
  1. The Arts Council will also be mandated to collaborate with local authorities in order to ring-fence public spaces and to put these spaces into the service of public-led forms of cultural production. At its most basic, this would mean opening idle spaces and empty buildings up to creative practitioners and community groups. It would also mean investing section 106 funding, raised from private land development, into the expansion of publicly owned assets for cultural activity – libraries, recording studios, community arts centres, performance spaces, exhibition centres, playgrounds and parks.
  1. Long-term, this collaboration between the Arts Council and Local Government aims to reverse the process of gentrification whereby artists, like immigrants, revive devalued spaces, creating value that is then reflected by rising land prices which in turn price both artists and the local community out of the area they have helped to regenerate. By way of reversal, the strategy of expanding public space for culture will be extended to the provision of social housing for democratically-funded cultural producers, so that local authority effectively rewards and stabilises cultural contribution. Culture, harnessed this way, becomes something that both enriches and stabilises community, not something that is experienced as a door to disposession.
  1. This recognition of the humanising potential of the artist will also be harnessed as a means of bringing greater transparency and a greater understanding to the public of how our government institutions function. We will create autonomous creative residencies for artists and groups of citizens within all national government departments, the Bank of England, the BBC and the UK border agency, subjecting the corridors of power to non-vested public scrutiny.
  1. We believe that this humanising potential of cultural exchange is universal. We therefore call for the institution of a universal basic income that will enable all people to fulfill the potential of their innate creativity.
  1. We believe that the dignity of labour is sacrosanct and call for the cultural sector to set the standard in terms of workers’ rights, guaranteeing at least the UK living wage for all its employees, including artists and interns, management, technicians, cleaners and security staff. We also call on the sector to recognise the positive role played by trades unions in helping to fight for the normalisation of humane working conditions and we will lead on this by introducing trades union representation onto the independent board of every public cultural institution.
  1. We will introduce lifelong arts learning, free at the point of use and embed arts education into the national curriculum so that all children in Britain, from primary school up, are able to benefit from the provision of free lessons in music, drama, creative writing, dance, painting, gardening, food and fashion. This will generate, alongside opportunities for learning, new jobs across the UK for cultural practitioners.
  1. We believe that these reforms will ultimately liberate our society from the logic of pure economic gain and instead, affirm culture’s proper role as a social value that can in turn bring the benefits of creativity, community and joy into all aspects of our democratic life, from the grassroots into government, from childhood to old age. A society defined by this paradigm – of culture for all, by all – will be a stronger society and also a happier one.

Arts For Labour Manifesto (Draft)

Arts for Labour supports the goal of an arts and culture sector that serves the many not the few.

In support of this goal Arts For Labour provides a forum for the labour movement and supporters to inform, debate and respond to arts and cultural policy.

Arts for Labour is also an agency for members who wish to support Labour Party campaign activity.

Arts For Labour will advocate for,
  • A distribution and redistribution of resources to ensure Fair Access to arts and culture for all.
  • The end of discrimination in the arts and culture sector on the basis of race, class, gender, nationality, age, sexuality, religion and bodily or mental ability.
  • The rights of all arts and culture workers to earn an independent living and access life-long professional development
  • A central role for arts and culture in Education and Training.
  • The involvement of arts and cultural workers in determining policy nationally and locally.
Arts For Labour will,
  • Engage our members directly in the development of arts and cultural polic
  • Invite wider participationat a grassroots level by initiating public debate about the role of the arts and culture in society and what government policy can do to effectively strengthen that function.
  • Engage leaders from the arts and culture sector in a series of open consultations across the UK
  • Ensure that the best in progressive arts and cultural policy research and development,nationally and internationally, is available to the labour movement and to our member
  • Expand the network of arts and culture practitioners willing to campaign in support of this initiative and the wider goals of societal transformation
  • Promote the views of Arts For Labour to inform policy and practice of the arts.
  • Promote the Labour Party arts and cultural policy to our members.
  • Support Trade Union and other political campaigns as agreed by our members.
  • Recognise and support national and regional differences in arts and cultural policy.
  • Develop a database of members and supporters wishing to use their art form or profile to support campaigns of the labour movement and facilitate their involvement.

Arts for Labour will aim to become a transparent a transparent and democratic organisation, prepared to use participatory tools to achieve its objectives.

Labour Party Manifesto 2019 – Culture, Media & Digital

It’s time for Real Change

Labour Party Manifesto 2019

This election will shape our country for a generation. It is your opportunity to transform our country, so that it works not just for a few, but for all of us. It is a chance to deliver the real change Britain needs. This manifesto sets out how a Labour government will do that.

Culture

Britain’s thriving arts, culture and creative industries drive investments and encourage tourism.

  • A Labour government will open up career opportunities in these industries for everyone and consult on ways to address the gender imbalance in the digital creative industries.
  • We will introduce an Arts Pupil Premium to every primary school in England – a £160 million annual boost for schools to ensure creative and arts education is embedded in secondary education, and providing a pathway to grow our thriving creative sector.
  • We will invest in the towns and communities neglected for too long, with a £1 billion Cultural Capital Fund to transform libraries, museums and galleries across the country.
  • We will make the distribution of National Lottery funding more transparent to help communities get their fair share of project funding.
  • We will maintain free entry to museums, because everyone should have access to our shared heritage.
  • Building on the success of the UK City of Culture, we will launch a Town of Culture competition.
  • We will work with trade unions and employers to make creative jobs accessible for all, ensuring diversity in these industries so that everyone sees themselves represented on screen and on stage.
  • We will review the copyright framework to ensure fair remuneration for artists and content creators.

Media

  •  A Labour government will ensure a healthy future for all our public service broadcasters, including BBC Alba and S4C.
  • We will protect free TV licences for over-75s.A free and fair press is vital to protecting democracy and holding the powerful to account.
  • We will address misconduct and the unresolved failures of corporate governance raised by the second stage of the abandoned Leveson Inquiry.
  • We will take steps to ensure that Ofcom is better able to safeguard a healthy plurality of media ownership and to put in place clearer rules on who is fit and proper to own or run TV and radio stations.
  • We will take action to address the monopolistic hold the tech giants have on advertising revenues and will support vital local newspapers and media outlets.
  • We will consult media-sector workers and trade unions to establish an inquiry into the ‘fake news’ undermining trust in media, democracy and public debate, and on a legal right of public interest defence for journalists

Digital

Digital and technological advancements bring challenges, but also huge opportunities. In the age of AI and automation, digital connectivity will underpin our future economy. We will need world-class digital infrastructure in which everyone can share.

  • Labour will deliver free full-fibre broadband to all by 2030.We will establish British Broadband, with two arms: British Digital Infrastructure (BDI) and the British Broadband Service (BBS).
  • We will bring the broadband-relevant parts of BT into public ownership, with a jobs guarantee for all workers in existing broadband infrastructure and retail broadband work. BDI will roll out the remaining 90–92% of the full-fibre network, and acquire necessary access rights to existing assets.
  • BBS will coordinate the delivery of free broadband in tranches as the full-fibre network is rolled out, beginning with the communities worst served by existing broadband networks.
  • Taxation of multinationals, including tech giants, will pay for the operating costs of the public full-fibre network.
  • The plan will boost jobs, tackle regional inequality and improve quality of life as part of a mission to connect the country.
  • We will enforce a legal duty of care to protect our children online, impose fines on companies that fail on online abuse and empower the public with a Charter of Digital Rights.

Equity’s manifesto for a balanced and sustainable arts & culture industry

Equity’s manifesto for a balanced and sustainable arts & culture industry

 

Imagine a world without decent health provision and education, without efficient public transport or care for the old. This prospect is materialising before our eyes in this new age of austerity. Now imagine a world without television drama, film, concerts, recordings, art galleries or theatre, variety entertainment, opera and ballet. Just as the NHS, schools and all our public services are suffering, so our everyday world of cultural experience is being diminished and devalued. We need food, shelter and transport to survive. We need good health and education. Equally, we need the human experience and enlightenment, entertainment and sheer fun provided by imaginative and creative inspiration and expression.

Creativity and culture are not an add-on, a surplus luxury we can only afford when other needs of social life have been dealt with. We experience cultural life individually and collectively every minute of our work and leisure, whether through music, art and photography, dance, theatre, TV, film or video games. The arts run through our lives like a grain through wood characterising and strengthening us.

It is these experiences that give the arts a unique, vital and intrinsic value for us, something irreplaceable by anything else. More than this, they help us to get our bearings in the world and to understand and critique society in ways that factual information cannot because they address not just our intellectual understanding but our whole humanity, our emotions, aspirations, visions of a future, our collective human spirit, compassion and drive to make life better. Take this away and you diminish the whole of society and what’s best in us.

We also see the value of cultural activities spread into other areas where they have an instrumental and powerful effect, as will be indicated throughout this document, for example:

  • for social inclusion, enrichment of life quality and local regeneration
  • for physical and mental health
  • for enhancing education and learning ability
  • for the economy
  • for tourism
  • for engaging young people and creating confidence and motivation
  • for skills creation and transferability and increasing employment chances
  • for national reputation

Equity’s arts policy aims to promote sustainable, optimistic and fulfilling careers for our members and other arts workers within a valued and equitable arts and entertainment industry that serves a wide and inclusive audience.

To achieve this, a radical overhaul of UK arts and culture is needed.

The aims we set out must inform future campaigning, both in the short and long-term. We recognise that many of our policies below will take time, effort, vision and determination and that we need to engage with organisations outside the union – other trades unions, political parties, local authorities and central government, arts organisations, audiences, theatre and media managements, and funders – in ongoing joint campaigning on a number of fronts.

We will promote

  1. Increased public funding and ownership by central and local government to ensure the expansion of the performing arts with greater employment on a living wage.
  2. Fully inclusive representation and access for all practitioners and audiences, widening the audience, and restoring and extending arts education.
  3. An equitable balance of funding, without cuts to established areas, through a restructured national, regional and local funding system, and the establishment of more inclusive artistically and  socially based criteria for funding.
  4. Creative leadership, and accountability of funding bodies to practitioners, trades unions and audiences.
  5. Recognition of Variety, circus and all entertainment disciplines as art forms, establishment of new venues and recruitment of young entertainers.
  6. Protection and enhancement of public service broadcasting and UK film production and the creation of a publicly owned and financed film producing sector.

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